Russia on her Eastern frontier. Such a carcase could not live under the
pressure of Russia. It would be a repetition of the case of the Polish
Kingdom established at the Vienna Congress in 1815, under a Russian
* protection' and 'Allied guarantee/ which survived no more than
The liquidation of Poland would mean the liquidation of all her
neighbouring States^ having common frontiers with the Soviet Union,
such as Finland, Estonia., Latvia, Lithuania and Rumania, while Czecho-
slovakia, Hungary, Austria, Bulgaria and Yugoslavia could hardly remain
independent if practically all the surrounding countries had become the
satellites of one Great Power.
The Soviet Union would reach GermanyŚLenin and Stalin's dream
would be fulfilled. The " revolutionary shake-up of Europe ..." as
Stalin had prophesied long ago, " would begin . . . Russian revolution
will awaken the German revolution " and cc the victory of a revolution in
Germany is a full guarantee of victory in the international revolution."
In its leading article on February 24, Dziennik Polski gave a semi-
official comment on the speech of the British Prime Minister, stating :
" The thesis of the real independence of the Polish State is irrefutably
one of the defined points of the British policy and of its leaders. But
where it concerns the ways in which to secure Poland's true independence,
there is, between the British Government and the British Premier on one
side, and the Polish Government on the other, an essential difference on
the most important points at issue. The acknowledgment of the truth of
this statement is painful to the Poles, but nevertheless it is an acknowledg-
ment which cannot be hidden . . . The recognition of the Polish-Soviet
frontier by England had its place in 1923, at the time when Lord Curzon
had been Britain's Foreign Secretary . . . Premier Churchill had emphasised
the Wilno problem. It is necessary to remember that in the Wilno district
the majority of the people were Poles and even the Germans during the
Second Great War, as during the First Great War, recognised on the basis
of a census, that Wilno contained an overwhelming Polish majority.* These
are historical facts and come from non-Polish documents at that.
" The Polish Government, firmly established as to their rights as con-
tained in these historic facts and allied documents, rejected this ' Curzon
Line ' offered as the future Polish-Soviet frontier . . . We must declare
with all emphasis that the deprivation of Poland's territory and 12 million
* Out of 195,000 inhabitants in the City of Wilno in 1939, 128,800 were Poles,
54,600 Jews and only 2,000 Lithuanians. After the extermination of the Jews,
carried out under German occupation and according: to the census published in
January, 1944, which concerned the year 1943, there were 144,531 inhabitants in
Wilno. Those peoples fell into the following categories : Poles, 102,483 (70.9 ner
"cent.); Lithuanian 31,378 (21.7 per cent.); White Ruthenians 3^015 (2.1 per cent.);
and others 5.3 per cent.
The increase in the number of Lithuanians which was revealed in 1944 was an
outcome of the influx of Lithuanian civil servants, police and military, all of
whom were embraced by the census of the population. The Polish census taken
in 1939 had not included the troops.
In the Wilno province 845,700 (66.9 per cent.) of the 1,263,300 inhabitants were
Poles and after the disappearance of the Jews, the percentage of Poles increased
to 75 per cent.
(Wilno, see Vol. I, p. 219).